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JOHN CONNOLLY, 

A Tory of the Revolution 



BY 



CLARENCE MONROE BURTON 



Reprinted from the Proceedings of The American Antiquarian Society 
FOR October, 1909. 



WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS. 

THE DAVIS PRESS. 

1909. 



^^ 



ft;/-... , 



JOHN CONNOLLY, 

A Tory of the Revolution. 



John Connolly was born at Wright's Ferry, York County, 
Pennsylvania. His mother, Susanna Howard, was married 
three times. Her first husband was James Patterson, an 
Indian trader, who lived in Conestoga Manor from 1717 
until his death in 1735. There were five children born of 
this marriage, James, Susanna, Sarah, Rebecca and Thomas 
Patterson. In 1735 she married Thomas Ewing who had 
come from the north of Ireland about 1730 and who was 
then a widower. There were four sons born of this mar- 
riage, James Ewing, born August 3, 1736, a general in the 
Revolutionary War; John Ewing, Captain in the Sixth 
Company first battalion of York militia, probably killed 
in some engagement during the Revolution; and William 
and Samuel Ewing who died young. Thomas Ewing, the 
father, died in 1741 and his widow married John Connolly, 
an Irishman, who had been an officer in the British service. 
There was one son, John, born of this marriage, who studied 
medicine with Dr. Cadwalader Evans in Philadelphia. 
After a proper length of study in Philadelphia, young Con- 
nolly went to live with his uncle, George Croghan, the 
British Indian Agent, not far from Pittsburg.^ Susanna 
Connolly, the mother, died in Lancaster in October, 1753, 
leaving considerable estate. 

John Connolly says in his narrative that he was "bred 
to physio" the practice of which it was intended he should 
pursue.^ He enlisted in the army and was sent to Martinico.^ 



1 Notes and Queries (Egle) Vol. 2, No. :i, page 209. 

2 Narrative. 

* Martinique was captured by the British in January, 1762. There is a full account 



He served in two campaigns against the Indians in 1762-4, 
and after the peace was obtained from the Indians he spent 
some time traveling among them through Canada, to learn 
their ways. After these exertions he settled down in the 
western part- of Augusta County, Virginia. 

In 1770 he was living in Pittsburg practicing his profession 
and was a man of some local importance. George Washing- 
ton, then on a trip through the west inspecting the country, 
was very much entertained by conversation with Connolly 
and by the information obtained from him. The meeting 
made as deep an impression upon the latter, as he referred 
to it several times in his correspondence of later years. 
It is probable that Washington read Connolly's character 
for turbulency in the few hours of conversation he had with 
him at this time, though he speaks in appreciative language 
of him. 

Under the date of November 22, 1770, Washington in 
his journal, writes that he was at Pittsburg and was invited 
to dine at Sample's with Dr. Connolly, "a nephew of Col. 
Croghan," a very sensible, intelligent man, "who has 
travelled over a good deal of the western country, both 
by land and water. He was familiar with the country 
about Fort Chartres and at Vincennes, and laid before 
Washington a plan to settle 100 or more families on the 
Swanee River to form a new government, to be bounded 
by the Ohio River on the north and west, the ridge that 
divides the Tennessee or Cherokee River south and west 
and a line to be run from the falls of the Ohio or above, 
so as to cross the Swanee River above the fork of it. " 

Washington uses the term "new government" in con- 
nection with this proposed settlement, bj^t does not indicate 
whether it was to be a new colony or a new and independent 
government. It is probable that Connolly had this "new 
government" in contemplation when he obtained a tract 
of land now comprising a large part of the City of Louisville, 
Kentucky, and still later when he sought to separate that 



from the London Gazette in the Gentleman's Magazine for that year and a map of 
the island in the same magazine for 1759. If Connolly was at Martinique in 1762 
he was very young and it may have been before he studied medicine. 



part of the country from the then new United States in 
1788.* 

In June 1774, Connolly and Campbell laid out this land 
into village lots and advertised it for sale.^ 

The same year (1770) he took up 300 acres of land on 
Charles Creek, Augusta County, Virginia. This land was 
in that disputed district claimed by both Pennsylvania 
and Virginia but finally settled as being within the bound- 
aries of the former state. He was also, at a later date, 
the owner of lands adjoining Pittsburg. In a statement 
made by him in 1784, he says that he was an intimate friend 
of Washington before the Revolution. He was on familiar 
terms with Lord Dunmore, Governor of Virginia, and in 

1772, received from him a grant of 4000 acres of land in 
Fincastle County, Virginia, now a part of Louisville, Ken- 
tucky. Before 1773, he was a surgeon mate in the general 
hospital of British forces in America. We are not informea 
as to the minor military offices he held, but he was a Captain 
Commandant in the Virginia militia from December 16, 

1773, and later held the office of Major Commandant to 
June 16, 1775. 

It was during the first part of this period that Lord 
Dunmore concluded to settle the boundary line dispute 
with Pennsylvania by forcibly taking possession of Pittsburg, 
or Fort Pitt, and attaching it to the colony of Virginia.* 

In 1771 the Colonial troops had been withdrawn from 
Pittsburg, and Fort Pitt was abandoned, so that in 1774 
when Connolly, sent by Lord Dunmore, reached the place 
he was unopposed.^ 

Pennsylvania claimed that Pittsburg was in Westmor- 
land County and that the County seat was at Hanna's Town.^ 



■* Washington's Journal, Ford Ed. Vol. 2, page 314. In one of his letters Connolly 
says that he is related to Croghan and to Alexander McKee but the degree of the 
relationship is not given. 

* Oddities of Colonial Legislation, page 346. Also Am. Arch. IV series, Vol. 1, 
page 278. 

® Bureau of Archives (Toronto) 1904, page 1144. 
^Frontier Forts 2, 124. 

* Westmorland County was organized in 1773 and this aroused Virginia to 
assert her claim to Pittsburg. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 
Vol. VII. 151. 



6 

On January 1, 1774, Connolly, as Captain Commandant 
of militia, issued a call for the militia of Augusta County 
to meet him at Pittsburg, on January 25th, for the purpose 
of organizing a new county to include Pittsburg.^ 

Arthur St. Clair, afterwards governor of the Northwestern 
Territory, who was then a Pennsylvania Magistrate, (Justice 
of the Peace and Clerk of Westmorland County) arrested 
Connolly on Januaiy 24th for disobeying the laws of Penn- 
sylvania and confined him in jail at Hanna's Town for a 
few days. 

Connolly soon persuaded the sheriff to permit him to go 
to Pittsburg and he was released upon his promise to 
return. ^° 

A proclamation was issued to the people who were assem- 
bling at Connolly's call, telling them of the injustice and 
impropriety of it and that if the militia was, at this time, 
installed at Pittsburg, an Indian war would likely result. 
It is worthy of remark that this proclamation, being signed 
by William Lochry, Arthur St. Clair and others who took 
an active part in the defense of our liberties in the War of 
the Revolution, bears for its first signature, the name of 
Alexander McKee who was, during nearly the entire course 
of that conflict, one of the most bitter enemies that the new 
government had. He lived at Detroit and died at Chatham, 
near that place, January 14, 1799.^^ 

When Connolly was liberated he promised the sheriff 
to return. He kept his promise, but in an unlooked for 
manner. He went to Mr. Croghan's neighborhood, where 
he had lived before, and collected the militia to the number 
of about 80 persons and with them returned, using the 
militia as a body guard and defying arrest. He prevented 
the Court of Westmorland from holding sessions and 
usurped the entire government of Pennsylvania in and 
about Pittsburg.^'^ 



^This Notice is printed in Colonial Record X. 141 and in St. Clair papers 1, 272. 

1° Penn. Arch. IV, 484. 

"Penn. Arch. IV, 479. 

12 Col. Rec. Pa. X, 141. Penn. Arch. IV, 476. The letter of instructions from 
Pennsylvania to St. Clair is printed in Col. Rec. X, 145. He directed St. Clair to 
arrest Connolly. 



Information of these proceedings to establish a new 
county was conveyed to Governor John Penn, and a spirited 
correspondence took place between the two governors, 
Penn and Dunmore. 

Dimmore demanded the immediate dismissal of St. Clair 
from his official position. -^^ 

To this demand Governor Penn replied "Mr. St. Clair 
is a gentleman who, for a long time, had the honor of serving 
his Majesty in the regulars with reputation, and in every 
station in life has preserved the character of a very honest, 
worthy man; and though perhaps I should not, without 
first expostulating with you on this subject, have directed 
him to take that step, yet you must excuse my not com- 
plying with your lordship's requisition of stripping him, 
on this occasion, of his office and livelihood, which you will 
allow me to think is not only unreasonable, — but somewhat 
dictatorial."^* 

The claims of Dunmore to this country were a part of the 
unjust assumptions of the government of Great Britain 
that brought on the War of the Revolution. It will not 
be necessary here to enter into the merits of the dispute, 
but a reference to the imperious language of the claimant, 
Dunmore, will suffice to show how it aggravated the people 
and incited them to begin the long contest for their 
liberties. 

Dunmore admitted that the land once belonged to Penn- 
sylvania, but asserted it was lost to that colony because 
she allowed the French to take possession of it, and that 
when Great Britain recaptured it, in the French-Indian 
War, the title was vested in the Crown, and that, as Virginia 
was a Crown Colony, the title passed to that colony rather 
than to Pennsylvania which was a proprietary government. 
Pennsylvania retorted that if the land once belonged to 
that colony it had never been lost to it, for Great Britain 



13 Co). Rec. X, 156. . 

"Colonial Record X, 162. 

The first court held at Pittsburg under Virginia laws was on February 21, 1775. 
The justices of Augusta County were George Croghan, John Campbell, John Connolly, 
Dorsey Pentecost, Thomas Smallman and John Gibson. 

Permsylvauia Magazine of History and Biography VII, 151. 



8 

had not carried on war against Pennsylvania, but against 
France. In any event Pennsylvania was willing to sur- 
render a portion of the disputed territory contiguous to 
Pittsburg for the sake of peace. Dunmore in his reply said, 
"Your proposals, amounting in reality to nothing, could 
not possibly be complied with, and your resolution, with 
respect to Fort Pitt (the jurisdiction over which place I 
must tell you, at all events, will not be relinquished by this 
government, without his Majesty's orders) puts an entire 
stop to further treaty and makes me sincerely lament that 
you have put it out of my power to contribute to re-estab- 
lish the peace and harmony of both colonies, and to evince 
my good intentions as well towards the one as the 
other. "1^ 

The reply of John Penn to Dunmore's letter was in a 
very conciliatory tone, — in that spirit which indicated that 
right must prevail in the end, — and still the writer asserted 
his claim to the usurped district. The letter is dated at 
Philadelphia June 28, 1774, and concludes as follows: 
" I have so many complaints of the behavior of Dr. Connolly 
that I am obliged to wish your lordship to make some 
inquiry into the conduct, which, if my information be true, 
is extremely oppressive and tyrannical with respect to our 
people; and what is still worse, there is great reason to fear 
his military operations may have a dangerous tendency 
to involve the colonies in a general Indian War. He seizes 
upon the property of the people without reserve and treats 
the persons of our magistrates with the utmost insolence 
and disrespect, and with menaces, not only of imprisoning 
them, but even pulling down their houses, and it is said he 
has sent out, or is to send out, parties against the Indians, 
with orders to destroy all they meet with, whether friend 
or foe. These matters may be exaggerated but I cannot 
doubt but that Mr. Connolly has afforded some grounds 
for these complaints, and although your lordship hath been 
pleased to claim the jurisdiction of Pittsburg, and the 
country thereabouts, I would fain hope that you would 

1* Olden Time I — 495. Colonial Record X, 188. Letter to James Tilghman and 
Andrew Allen, dated May 26, 1774. 



not encourage Mr. Connolly in such exhorbitances and 
outrages as are laid to his charge." ^^ 

At the same time Penn wrote to Arthur St. Clair urging 
him to prevent an Indian War, if possible, and to force the 
people to stand firm in resisting the savages. He called 
a meeting of the Assembly of Pennsylvania and wrote to 
Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 
giving him information of the situation. Regarding Con- 
nolly he wrote as follows to St. Clair, "I have also written 
to Lord Dunmore complaining of Connolly's outrageous 
and tyrannical behavior at Pittsburg, and representing the 
dangerous tendency his military operations may have to 
involve the colonies in a general Indian War."" 

St. Clair, with George Croghan, Devereaux Smith, ^Eneas 
McKay and Richard Butler raised a company of one hun- 
dred men to resist the Indians. At the same time (June 26) 
it was reported that Connolly had sent two parties down 
the Ohio River who met some of the Indians, fired on them 
and wounded one. 

A number of inhabitants of Pittsburg petitioned Governor 
Penn to give them some assistance so that they might be 
relieved of Connolly and his adherents. He was pulling 
down the houses, imprisoning and generally maltreating all 
those who would not acquiesce in his method of govern- 
ment.^^ Upon the assembling of the militia and the arrest 
of Connolly by St. Clair, the other officers who had been 
appointed by Dunmore organized the new county, with 
Pittsburg as its judicial seat, and changed the name of Fort 
Pitt to Fort Dunmore. Connolly himself participated in 
the larger part of the matters as he was only temporarily 
in confinement.^^ Further than the mob violence that 
occurred at this time from the too free distribution of 



16 Olden Time 1-497. Colonial Record X, 193. 

" Olden Time 1-497. Colonial Record X, 194. 

1* Olden Time 1-500. St. Clair papers 1-317. 

1^ The Provincial Coimcil of Pennsylvania organized the county of Westmorland 
including Pittsburg, but provided that Hanna's Town should be the county seat, 
February 26, 1773. Old Westmorland, page 5. This act is entitled "An Act for 
erecting part of the county of Bedford into a separate county. " Colonial Record 
X, 77. 



10 

whiskey, no open rupture took place, and the new govern- 
ment seemed hkely to become estabhshed. 

The memorial of the inhabitants of Pittsburg to John 
Penn was drawn up on June 25, 1774, and signed by some 
twenty-seven of the foremost citizens. The entire burden 
of their complaint w^as the action of Connolly in oppressing 
the citizens and driving them from their houses and foment- 
ing disturbances with the Indians.^° 

Attached to this memorial were some ''remarks on the 
proceedings of Dr. Connolly" containing the following 
statement, "The distressed inhabitants of this place have 
just cause to charge their present calamity and dread of 
an Indian War entirely to the tyrannical and unprecedented 
conduct of Doctor Connolly, whose design, as we conceive, 
is to better his almost desperate circumstances upon the 
distress of the public, and the ruin of our fortunes." This 
was followed by a long list of insults to citizens and depre- 
dations committed by Connolly or by his orders. 

A short time afterwards some of the same committee 
made another report in which they said, "Dr. Connolly 
continues to exercise his authority as usual. Our persons 
are daily insulted, our property forcibly taken, and even 
our lives threatened, " and again new and additional instances 
are given to substantiate these charges. Lord Dartmouth 
was appealed to by Governor Penn. He investigated the 
matter and wrote' to Lord Dunmore on September 8th to 
make proper changes to prevent Indian troubles and dis- 
satisfaction of the people.^^ Many of the people of Pittsburg 
refused to submit to the new order of things and were 
brought into daily conflict with the Connolly men. In the 
address already referred to, they were advised not to act 
hastily but to maintain the already established government. 
Many of the old residents, however, preferred the Virginia 
government to that of Pennsylvania and sided with Connolly. 
Croghan, who was an Indian agent of considerable impor- 
tance, wrote to David Sample that he had long been con- 
vinced that Fort Pitt and its dependencies were without 



'■^The Olden Time 1-500. St. Clair Papers 1-317. 
21 Olden Time 1-502. 



11 

the limits of Pennsylvania, and his opinion had great weight 
on the occasion.^^ There was a meeting of the Indians 
at Pittsburg on June 29, 1774, and an attempt made to 
pacify them. Captain White Eyes, an Indian chief, delivered 
a communication from the Delawares to George Croghan, 
John Connolly and Alexander McKee urging them to restrain 
V the whites who were making assaults on the Indians all 
over the frontier and were killing them without provoca- 
tion.^^ It seemed now that an Indian War would break 
out, for it was the evident intent of Virginia to harrass 
them to the point beyond endurance.^* Depredations were 
committed by the whites, either under the leadership or 
under the encouragement of the Virginia authorities. 

Michael Cresap, a Pennsylvanian, who was accused of 
murdering a number of the Indians, including a sister of 
the Mingo Chief Logan, she being the Indian wife of John 
Gibson, alleged that his authority was a proclamation 
issued by Connolly .^^ 

After these murders were committed, Connolly sent 
word to Cresap to refrain from more work of that nature, 
and the latter returned home in high dudgeon, declaring 
that what he had already done, was by Connolly's orders, 
and St. Clair reported that the Indian War which must 
ensue, was a part of the Virginia plan.^^ 

The Pennsylvania men were very eager to prevent any 
trouble with the Indians and sent agents to see them and 
assure them of the peaceful disposition of the Pennsylvania 
citizens and officials. Connolly, of course, heard of these 
advances and attempted to prevent their recurrence by 



22penn. Arch. IV, 481. 

^Am. Arch. IV Series, Vol. 1, page 545, and Oddities of the Colonial Legislation, 
page 343. 

24 Penn. Arch. IV, 495. 

25 This is confirmed by Zeisberger in his letter of May 28, 1774. Dunmore's War, 
page 10. Penn. Arch. IV, 490. There are many papers and documents on this 
subject collected by Thomas Jefferson and printed in the latest edition of his works. 

26 Penn. Arch. IV, 501. "The distressed inhabitants of this place (Pittsburg) have 
just cause to charge their present calamity and dread of an Indian War, entirely to 
the tyrannical and unprecedented conduct of Doctor John Connolly, whose design 
as we conceive, is to better his almost desperate circumstances upon the public and 
the ruin of our fortunes. " Penn. Arch. IV, 528. See also Mass. History Col. 4th 
series, Vol. X, page 720. 



12 

ordering the people not to carry on a correspondence with 
the Indians.^^ 

The Quaker feehng of friendliness towards the Indians 
did not pervade the territory occupied by the Virginians. 
The constant encroachments on the Indian lands could 
have but one result. The Indians retaliated for every 
injury inflicted upon them and it was found necessary by 
Lord Dunmore to raise an army to invade the Ohio Country. 

On the 10th of June 1774, Dunmore issued a circular 
directing the militia of the various counties to organize and 
hold themselves in readiness to proceed against the Indians.^^ 

A month later (July 12) General Andrew Lewis was 
directed to proceed at once to destroy the towns and mag- 
azines of the Indians and to distress them in every way.^^ 

This invasion resulted in what is known as the Dunmore 
War. There were two detachments of the army, one under 
Lord Dunmore and the other, General Andrew Lewis.^° 

It is not certain that Connolly personally accompanied 
the army on its entry into the enemy's country. Dunmore, 
in his letter to Connolly of June 20, 1774, directed him to 
remain at Fort Dunmore, and to send William Crawford, 
with what men he could spare, to operate with Colonel 
Lewis "or to strike a blow himself if he thought he could 
do it with safety." He recommended the taking of as 
many Indians prisoners as possible, especially women and 
children. These he could hold as hostages for the future 
good behavior of the Indian tribes. 

In conclusion he said, "and should you be so fortunate 
as to reduce those savages to sue for peace, I would not 



^' Penn. Arch. IV, 521. Connolly's proclamation is dated June 18, 1774. Brantz 
Mayer, the defender of the name of Michael Cresap against the charges of the Indian 
Chief Logan, has this to say regarding Connolly: "It is not a little singular, even 
if nothing more than a coincidence, that Lord Dunmore should have chosen the 
report of a menaced Indian War, and of a growing dispute with the Mother Country 
beyond the sea, to assert formidably the rights of Virginia, not only by issuing his 
proclamation, but by dispatching to the scene of action a man like John Connolly, 
who was well known not only for his bold, reckless, artful temper, but for his sagacity, 
his knowledge of the world and of Indian affairs, and his exceedingly lax morality. " 
Logan and Cresap, a Discourse by Brantz Mayer, page 40. 

28 Dunmore's War 33. 

29 Id. 86. 

* "Indians in North America, " page 42. Sent into the Ohio. 



13 

grant it to them on any terms till they were effectually 
chastised for their insolence and then they trade with us 
only, for what they want."^^ 

There are many references in other letters and documents 
to indicate that Connolly was with Dunmore on the 
expedition. 

It is probable that Lord Dunmore had no other intention 
in this war than the suppression of the Indians to insure 
peace on the frontier. That he afterwards became a foe 
to those who were fighting for the liberties of the colonies, 
would not prove that he was deceitful in his efforts for peace 
at this time. He certainly hoped that the British control 
would continue in America and it is far easier to believe 
that he desired the continuance of friendly relations with 
the Indians with British control, than to expect unfriendly 
relations with the savages in the future.^^ In his narrative 
Connolly says the result of the war was very satisfactory. 
Whether this is a fact or not is problematical for the general 
opinion was that the war might have been averted, and if 
it had been, a different feeling would have existed between 
the Indians and frontiersmen and some of the massacres 
that took place during the Revolution would have been 
avoided. Actual warfare terminated with the battle of 
Point Pleasant, which took place October 10, 1774. The 
battle lasted all day, and the Indians withdrew towards 
night. Dunmore's detachment did not participate in the 
battle. 

The Indians, after the affray, went to meet Dunmore 
and at once offered to enter into a treaty with him.^^ 

When they were about to enter into a council preparatory 
to making a treaty, Dunmore noticed that the Mingo depu- 
ties who had solicited peace had suddenly left camp. He 
sent John Gibson, a trader, to bring in Logan, a Mingo chief, 



3'^Penn. Arch. IV, 522. 

^" Even as late as July 22nd, St. Clair thought that an Indian war could be avoided. 
He wrote to Connolly at that date, "I have uniformly declared that I saw not the 
least probability of war, unless the Virginians forced it on. The different manoeuvres, 
up and down and across the river have now probably brought that event about; who 
may see the end of it, God only knows." St. Clair Papers 1-328. 

^ Dunmore's War, 386. 



14 

to take part in the deliberations. Logan refused to come, 
saying that he was a warrior, not a councillor. Upon 
further urging he gave Gibson the speech that has been 
deemed an Indian Classic.^^ 

Some writer of more recent times has condensed the 
elegant speech into a couplet that runs, 

" I appeal to the white man, ungrateful, to say. 

If he e'er from my cabin went hungry away? 

If naked and cold unto Logan he came, 

And he gave him no blanket, and kindled no flame?" 

But the original declamation contained an eloquence 
which only comes from contact with nature. It will be 
remembered that Logan did not espouse the cause of his 
countrymen and take up arms with them against the whites, 
until his own family had been murdered. 

" I appeal to any white man to say if he ever entered 
Logan's cabin hungry and he gave him not meat; if 
he ever came cold and naked and he clothed him not. 

" During the course of the last, long, bloody war, Logan 
remained in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such 
was his love for the whites that my countrymen pointed 
as they passed and said, 'Logan is the friend of the 
white man.' I had even thought to live with you, 
but for the injuries of one man, Col. Cresap, who the last 
spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all 
the relatives of Logan; not even sparing my women 
and children. ^^ 

"There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any 
living creature. This called on me for revenge. I 



^ In his narrative Connolly says that Dunmore commanded, in person, the soldiers 
in battle. No other account of that afYair gives this version. He also states, in an 
indirect manner, that he, Connolly, participated in the battle. 

St. Clair refers to the Dunmore War as "The War betwixt the Indians and Vir- 
ginians is at last over." "The Mingoes that live upon Scioto did not appear to 
treat and a party was sent to destroy their towns, which was effected, and there 
were twelve of them now prisoners in Fort Pitt. " Thus St. Clair considered the 
entire transaction as a matter in which Virginia was interested and in which 
Pennsylvania took no part. St. Clair papers 1-347. 

^* Heckenvekler vouches for the authenticity of this speech. Mem. of Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania XII.-112. Jefferson notes, Edition 1800, page 67. 



15 

have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully 
glutted my vengeance. For my country I rejoice at 
the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought 
that mine is a joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. 
He will not turn his heel to save his life. Who is there 
to mourn for Logan? Not one." 

The treaty entered into by Lord Dunmore and the Indians 
was very generous towards the latter. The m.ost onerous 
obligation was that they should deliver hostages to insure 
their future good behavior. They were also to meet Dun- 
more in Pittsburg in the following year to conclude a per- 
manent treaty. ^^ 

The troubles between America and England that had 
been increasing rapidly for some time were not unknown 
to Dunmore's army. The leader in that army was upon 
the British side. It is stated that when the men reached 
the mouth of the Hockhocking River, on their homeward 
march, a meeting of the soldiers was held at which it was 
resolved to exert "every power within us for the defense 
of American liberty and for the support of our just rights 
and privileges. "^^ 

Surrounded by such an array of patriotic Americans, 
Connolly very clearly comprehended that his usefulness in 
Pittsburg was likely to soon terminate. He made up his 
mind to stand by the established government, and under- 
took to organize the people of that place in the British 
interest but was unsuccessful, though he engaged a large 
body of his friends to support the constituted authorities. 
He called his friends together and in the course of their 
debates predicted the demand of the colonies for independ- 
ence. Connolly, in his narrative, says that he was a friend 
of Washington. It is certain that they had met before 
and that Washington was well enough acquainted with 
him to consider him a dangerous man. Connolly was in 
Winchester, Penn., and wrote to Washington, February, 9, 
1775, stating that he was going to Williamsburg but that 



■^ Dunmore's War, page 386. 

3' "Winning of the West, " 1, 239. 



16 

his presence in Pittsburg was necessary. The situation 
of the pubHc affairs would, he stated, prevent Dunmore 
from meeting the Indians in Pittsburg as he had agreed, 
and he asked Washington for advice and what he was to 
do with the Mingo Indian prisoners he had.^^ 

Washington's reply dated February 25th advised him 
to follow Lord Dunmore's instructions regarding the Indians, 
but to keep 4;hem in good humor. Regarding the general 
situation of the country he said, "The state of affairs is 
sufficiently alarming; which our critical situation, with 
regard to the Indians, does not diminish." "With us here, 
things wear a disagreeable aspect and the minds of men are 
exceedingly disturbed at the measures of the British govern- 
ment. The King's speech and address to both Houses, 
prognosticates nothing favorable to us. "^^ 

The news of the outbreak of hostilities in Massachusetts 
was received in Pittsburg in May, 1775. A Public meeting 
was called on the 10th of the same month to endorse the 
action of the Massachusetts men. At this meeting a com- 
mittee of twenty-eight was chosen, of which George Croghan 
was chairman, to adopt proper resolutions of approval 
of the action of the New Englanders.*^ Samuel Sample, 
the father-in-law of Connolly, was one of the members of 
this committee. 

Connolly remained but a short time in Pittsburg after 
this event. Virginia and Pennsylvania might quarrel about 
boundary lines and political control of the country, but 
the people were pretty well united on one subject, and that 
was the defense of their liberties. 

After the news was received of the battle of Bunker Hill, 
the "flames of rebellion began openly to blaze." Connolly 
wrote to Lord Dunmore for instructions and found that 
the latter had been forced to leave his government. Before 

^^^ Am. Archives Series 4, Vol. 1, page 1222. There were twelve Indian prisoners. 
Revolution in Upper Ohio, page 18. Fort Dunmore was left in charge of Major 
Connolly with a garrison of 75 men. There were twelve Mingo prisoners or hostages 
in the Fort. Dunmore took the Shawnee prisoner with him to Williamsburg. Revo- 
lution in Upper Ohio, page 18. 

^^ Narrative, page 5. 

■*" Old Westmorland 13. Sample was a tavern keeper in Pittsburg. The resolu- 
tions of the Committee are given in Craig's History of Pittsburg, page 128. 



17 

leaving he directed Connolly to disband the troops returned 
from the Indian Country and try to induce the Indians to 
join the cause of Great Britain. The Indians had previously 
been called to meet in council in Pittsburg, and Virginia 
sent delegates to impress upon them the justice of the col- 
onists in their quarrel with the King. Connolly says in his 
narrative that owing to his superior knowledge of the Indian 
manners and tempers he was successful in retaining the 
friendship of the natives to his cause. The council at 
Pittsburg lasted a fortnight and then the Indians dispersed 
fully satisfied that justice would be done them at a general 
treaty soon to be held.*^ 

Connolly's troops being disbanded, he called his friends 
together, and after sounding them privately to ascertain 
who were likely to remain steadfast, a compact was entered 
into by which they agreed to assist him in restoring con- 
stitutional government, if he could obtain the necessary 
authority to raise men. He now prepared to leave Pitts- 
burg to seek Dunmore who had been driven from the land 
and had taken refuge on a vessel in the harbor at Norfolk.*^ 

Connolly now prepared to leave the country, but two 
nights before his intended departure in June 1775, he was 
arrested at night at the instance of St. Clair and compelled 
to ride all night, reaching Ligonier the next morning. His 
captors were preparing to proceed with him to Philadelphia 
when he was rescued or set at liberty through the influence 
of a party of friends who had learned of his abduction and 
hastily followed him from Pittsburg.^^ 

Upon being liberated he returned to Pittsburg, and in 
a few days (July 20, 1775) set out for Winchester, taking 
with him the treaty he had entered into with the Indians. 
He pretended that the journey he was making was in the 
Settlement of the Indian troubles, until he was gone so far 
from Pittsburg that there would be little danger of his being 



^' Revolution on the Upper Ohio, page 36. 

^^ Dunmore went on board a man-of-war at York, June 11, 1775. He dismissed 
his Indian hostagts and told them to make the best of their way back to their own 
country. Am. Arch. Series IV, Vol 2, page 975. In the Hist. Mass. Com. 14th 
Report part 10, page 330 it is stated that Dunmore was on the Fowery. 

*^ St. Clair papers, 1-357. 



18 

again arrested. He also gave out that he was to take some 
of the Indian Chiefs to England, and took several of them 
from Pittsburg with him when he left the place.^* Lord 
Dunmore had sought safety on board the Royal William, 
and here Connolly visited him and remained fourteen days 
perfecting plans for future operations. It was arranged 
that he should go to Boston to discuss matters with General 
Gage, and he sailed for that place on the tender Arundcll.*^ 

At Boston he placed before Gage his plan for capturing 
Fort Pitt and holding it as a headquarters for the British 
Army in the west. 

It is apparent from these plans that the object of Dun- 
more and Connolly in carrying on the Dunmore War and 
in entering into the subsequent treaty was to cause the 
Indians to adhere to the British side. This is his propo- 
sition as submitted to Gage: "As I have, by directions 
of his Excellency, Lord Dunmore, prepared the Ohio Indians 
to act in concert with me against his Majesty's enemies 
in that quarter, and have also dispatched intelligence to 
the different officers of the militia of the frontiers of Augusta 
County, in Virginia, giving Lord Dunmore's assurance to 
such of them as shall hereafter evince their loyalty to his 
Majesty, by putting themselves under my command when 
I should appear amongst them with proper authority for 
that purpose, of a confirmation of titles to their lands, 
and the quantity of three hundred acres to all who should 
take up arms in support of the constitution, when the 
present rebellion subsides, I will undertake to penetrate 
through Virginia and join his Excellency, Lord Dunmore, 
at Alexandria early next spring," upon the following 
conditions : 

First; He was to have a commission of Major Command- 
ant of such troops as he could raise on the frontier, including 
French and English partisans. 



** James Tillman, in a letter dated July 20, 1775, says that he has heard that Dr. 
Connolly, "Lord Dunmore's chief instrument, is going to England with some Indian 
Chiefs of the Delaware tribe, who seek a confirmation of their lands. All things 
seem verging towards anarchy. " Hist. Mass. Com. 14th, Report part X, page 
341. 

*^ American Archives Series IV, Volume 3, page 1047. 



19 

Second; General Gage was to direct Captain Lord, on the 
Illinois, to proceed to Detroit with his troops and put him- 
self under Connolly's command when he reached that place. 

Third; An artillery officer should go with Connolly to 
Detroit to collect ordnance sufficient to destroy Fort Dun- 
more (Pitt) and Fort Fincastle if they should resist. 

Fourth; Connolly was to be authorized to make proper 
presents to the Indians to "urge them to act with vigor 
in the execution of his order." 

Fifth; Gage was to furnish arms as might be necessary. 

The proposals were accepted by Gage and the commission 
to Connolly made out as requested.*^ 

William Crowley was a servant in the employ of Connolly 
at Pittsburg and left that place with his master and travelled 
with him to Lord Dunmore, and accompanied him to Boston. 

He knew of the various plans that Connolly had formed 
and was invited by him to join in the expedition to the 
Indian Country and to Detroit. Crowley was acquainted 
with Washington and when in Boston sent word to the 
latter that Connolly was on a visit to Gage, and informed 
him of the object of his visit. It is uncertain whether 
Crowley left Connolly at this place, or later at New York, 
where Connolly stopped and went on board the Asia. It 
is certain that Washington was informed of Connolly's 
plans and sent a messenger as speedily as possible to Mary- 
land, to notify the Committee of Safety to be on the lookout 
for him.*^ 

Connolly remained in Boston with Gage for some time 
and on returning reached Portsmouth, Virginia, on the 
12th day of October. He was ill for some days and unable 
to leave the vessel. On November 5th he received a com- 
mission from Lord Dunmore as Lieutenant Colonel Com- 
mandant. 

Having perfected his plans for the conjunction of the 
British forces at Detroit and in the Illinois Countrv for 



■*® Olden Times 1-522. A narrative of Connolly's plot, copied from the Pennsyl- 
vania Packet, is in Revolution on the Upper Ohio, page 136. 

*' Crowley's statement is in Am. Archives Series 4, Vol. 3, page 1947. Also in 
Maryland Report of Council of Safety, page 93. It is not dated. 



20 

the descent on Fort Pitt, Connolly started on his overland 
journey to Detroit. He intended to proceed by the most 
direct route, not touching Pittsburg, but going very near 
that place, at Standing Stone. He parted from Lord 
Dunmore in the night of November 13, 1775, in company 
with Allen Cameron*^ and John Smyth. Within a few 
days they reached Hager's Town, and passing through it, 
stopped at a tavern, after a journey of about five miles. 
Here Connolly was recognized by the landlord. He was 
also, soon after recognized by others, for he was well known 
in this part of the country. A letter that Connolly had, 
some time before this, written to John Gibson had been 
published and it thus became known that Connolly was 
a Tory. It was soon noised through Hager's Town that 
he had passed through and as he was a suspicious character 
a body of troops was sent to arrest him and bring him back. 
Connolly and his companions were soon overtaken and the 
three men and their servant were returned to Hager's Town 
and kept in separate houses. They were examined by the 
Committee of Safety the next day. This Committee was 
not fully determined as to their duties in the matter and 
they ordered Connolly and his companions taken back to 
Frederick Town for further examination. 

As soon as Frederick Town was reached Connolly met 
and was recognized by a Colonel who had just returned 
from Washington's headquarters at Cambridge, and was 
familiar with Connolly's visit to Gage. 

It was useless now to attempt to deceive the Committee 
in their examination, and Connolly made a clean breast of 
the entire affair except that he did not give up his com- 
mission and the other papers he had received from Gage. 
His servant, who knew that this commission, with some 
other papers, was secreted in the saddle that Connolly used, 
took it out and sent it to his master and destroyed the other 
papers. The "proposals" that Connolly had submitted 



^'"Cameron was a native of Scotland. He agreed to accept a commission as first 
Lieutenant in the regiment to be raised by Connolly. John Smyth was also a native 
of Scotland and was to be a surgeon in Connolly's regiment. Am. Arch. Series IV, 
Vol. 3, page 1659. Narrative page 23. 



21 

to Gage were discovered and preserved. The Committee 
of Safety sent word to Congress that they had captured 
Connolly and his companions and asked for instructions.** 

A request was sent to Maryland that the prisoners should 
be escorted to Philadelphia under guard.^^ 

Preparations were made to convey them from Frederick 
Town to Philadelphia, but a day or two before they were 
to start, Connolly succeeded in obtaining pen, ink and 
paper and wrote several letters. These he gave to Smyth 
and assisted him, on the night preceding their departure 
for Philadelphia, to escape confinement.^^ 

There were five of these letters. They are all printed in 
Am. Arch. Series IV. Vol. 4, page 615. In substance 
they are as follows: 

First; A letter dated November 24, 1775, not directed, 
possibly for Lord Dunmore. 

Second; To Alexander McKee at Pittsburg, telling him 
to provide for Mrs. Connolly, and to tell Captain Lord, at 
Vincennes, to push down the Mississippi and join Lord 
Dunmore. 

Third; To Captain Lord Kaskaskia with the same 
information. 

Fourth; To Captain Lernoult at Detroit, stating that 
the Americans may attack him early the next spring. " Let 
this suffice to give you notice of such intentions, and whether 
upon that account you might not judge it expedient to 
evacuate the garrison, and with Captain Lord move down 
the Mississippi and join the Earl of Dunmore at Norfolk. " 

Fifth; Another letter to Captain Lord with the like 
information. 

Sixth; A letter to his wife, Susanna, at Pittsburg, in 
which he mentions his child and sends love to Sally. 

These letters, except the first, are dated December 16, 1775. 

Smith made his escape and after wandering over the 
country in various directions, was robbed of his money 

*^ Connolly was arrested as the result of information received from Washington. 
Report of Committee of Safety, Maryland, page 92. Journals of Congress, new edition. 
Vol. 3, page 394. December 1, 1775. St. Clair Papers 2-98. 

^"Journal of Congress, Vol. 3, page 415. 

*i Narrative, page 25. 



22 

by a companion guide that he had picked up, and was 
finally recaptured on January 12, 1776, by a party of nine 
"ruffians" who had been sent after him from Pittsburg. 
The letters intrusted to him by Connolly were found on his 
person and he was sent back to Philadelphia where Connolly 
had, in the meantime, been conducted.^^ Connolly had not 
been long in jail before he began making applications to 
Congress for various purposes, evidently expecting, if his 
requests were granted, that he would be able to escape. 
His first petition for privilege to be permitted to walk in 
the prison yard was granted, with the instructions "to the 
gaolkeeper to take especial care to prevent his escape."^' 

In one of these petitions about February 8, 1776, Connolly 
says, "A prejudice, universal as it is groundless, seems 
to have rendered me particularly odious to my country- 
men; conceiving that I was to have been the base instrument 
of instigating the savages to desolate the frontier, to sac- 
rifice the defenseless women and children, and to introduce 
the utmost scene of calamity and distress, appear to render 
my situation peculiarly severe. But when I assure you 
that a design so inhuman never entered my breast, that no 
earthly consideration could ever induce ,me to promote so 
dishonorable and inglorious a proceeding, I flatter myself, 
I shall gain your credit. " 

He asked to be allowed to visit his brother in the country 
for his health and would obey any directions Congress 
might impose. The brother he refers to was General James 
Ewing, a half brother.^* This additional precaution to 
watch and guard him, did not prevent him from asking 

*^ Smith wftB brought to Philadelphia January 18, 1776, by Captain Shryock, and 
was committed to close confinement. Colonial Record X, 461, 469, Journals of Con- 
gress IV, page 120. Dr. Smith in his tour of America says, "My mind distracted, 
my body enfeebled, emaciated and tormented with excruciating pain, in an enemy's 
country, destitute of money or resource and without a single friend. I was in a 
condition truly to be commiserated and not to be excelled in distress. This was a 
trial, the most arduous and severe I ever met with, but still my resolution did not 
forsake me and I determined to proceed, notwithstanding every difficulty and danger. " 
Connolly was escorted to Philadelphia by Adam Fisher and privates under his com- 
mand, and committed to jail, with Smith and Cameron. Journals of Congress IV, 
pages 29, 31, and 34. American Archives Series IV, Vol. 4, page 508, January 3, 
1776. 

** Journal of Congress IV, page 120. 

^American Archives Series IV, Vol. 4, page 958. 



23 

other, and making repeated requests for additional privi- 
leges or for the relaxation of stringent rules. 

Congress was informed on March 28, 1776, that some 
prisoners meditated an escape and that they had come 
very near carrying it into execution, and then Connolly, 
Smith and Moses Kirtland were confined in separate apart- 
ments and the jailer, Thomas McKean, was allowed fifty 
additional men to defend the jail."'^ 

A committee was appointed to examine the jail and see 
if it was secure. It was proposed to remove Connolly from 
the new jail, which had recently been completed, to the 
old city jail, but this was not done and he remained in the 
old building. Connolly's wife now came to Philadelphia, 
leaving her child at Pittsburg, and upon request of Connolly 
she was permitted to visit him but was not peraiitted to 
leave the city after seeing him.^^ 

For a time she lived without the jail but as she had no 
means to pay for her support she moved into the prison, 
but later lived outside and was supported by Congress.^^ 

Samuel Sample, Connolly's father-in-law, called on him 
repeatedly while he was confined in jail, in March and 
April, 1776, and as the authorities suspected that every- 
thing was not as it should be, they investigated and found 
that a plan had been formed to liberate the prisoners. 
They were more closely confined and messengers were sent 
to stop Sample, who had left the city and was already on 
his way to Pittsburg.^^ 

Connolly was charged with the conspiracy, but stated 
that he had never undertaken to escape and would not 
now if his enlarged jail limits were restored. He said that 
Moses Kirkland had escaped but that he knew nothing of 
his plans.^^ 

Mrs. Connolly, in June, 1776, reported to Congress that 
her husband was very ill and required additional attendance. 
She also asked that she might be sent back to Pittsburg 



^ Journals of Congress IV, page 239. 

■"^ Journals of Congress IV, pages 350, 366. 

^^ American Archives Series V, Vol. 2, page 254. 

■'*'* Colonial Record X, page 533. 

*** American Archives Series IV, Vol. 6, page 433. 



24 

and if it was deemed injurious to the Country to permit 
her to be at large, that at least they would imprison her 
in Pittsburg, where her child was. Congress voted her 
25 shillings per week for her support.^° 

In November, 1776, she informed the Committee of Safety 
that her husband had planned to escape, and she told the 
jailer that in consequence of her actions Connolly had used 
her so badly it was impossible for her to live with him longer 
and she asked permission to go to her family at Pittsburg.^^ 

Notwithstanding this revelation, Connolly was, at this 
time permitted to go to his half-brother. General Ewing, 
on the River Susquehanna. Here he remained two months 
when, on account of suspicious circumstances, he was 
remanded to his former place of confinement.^^ 

In September Mrs. Connolly was liberated and permitted 
to return to her family in Cumberland County. ^^ 

Connolly, in his narrative, says that in December, 1777, 
Cameron, Smith and Maclean undertook to escape from 
prison. They gained the roof of the prison and made a 
rope of their blankets on which to slide down to the ground. 
Cameron was the first one to undertake the descent. The 
rope broke and he fell nearly fifty feet, breaking both ankles 
and very nearly killing him. It was a long time before 
he recovered. It was in consequence of this affair, in which 
Connolly was suspected of having had a part, though he 
denied it, that General Putnam was directed to send him, 
under guard, to be confined in Baltimore.^* 

This order was not carried out for he was still in jail on 
December 23rd.^^ Through the intercession of his half- 
brother. General Ewing, he was permitted to go to the 
latter's home upon agreeing to return to his prison when 
called upon. He remained but a few days at liberty when 
he was again summoned to return.®^ 



6" Colonial Record X, pages 648 and 696. 

^^ American Archives Series V, Vol. 3, page 777. There is no further mention of 
Mrs. Connolly in any of the Records. She did not join him in his later life. 
^2 Journals of Congress Vol. XII, page 1225. 
^^ Journals of Congress V, page 748. 
^''Journals of Congress VI, page 1025. 
85 Penn. Arch. VI, page 130. 
88Penn. Arch. VI. pages 242 and 245. He returned February 25, 1777. 



25 

He was ill at the time and made repeated applications 
to be permitted to return to his brother's home. The 
resolution granting that permission passed the Supreme 
Executive Council, April 2, 1777, and a short time after 
that a bond for his good conduct was given and he was set 
at liberty. One of the conditions of the bond was that he 
should confine himself within a distance of five miles from 
his brother's plantation in the County of York.®^ 

He remained at liberty until October 13th when the 
following resolution was passed in Congress, "Resolved, 
that it would be inconsistent with the public safety to 
permit Dr. John Connolly, at present a prisoner on parole, 
to remain any longer at large, and therefore that the Board 
of War be directed to order him into safe custody immedi- 
ately, taking care to seize such of his papers as may be of 
a political nature. "®^ At this time Philadelphia was in the 
hands of the British and Congress was in session at Baltimore. 

Connolly says they took every scrap of manuscript they 
could find, and hurried him away to York Town prison, 
where he was closely locked up and every former severity 
renewed. Later his papers were returned as nothing of 
importance was found in them.^^ 

A petition from some of the prisoners in York Town 
was presented to Congress on May 17, 1778, which made 
charges of a very serious nature against the management 
of the prison. This petition, upon being received, was 
referred to the Board of War and an investigation made, 
which was published with the petition. The object in 
publishing the papers in conjunction with the petition was 
to satisfy the British authorities that Connolly was not 
improperly treated as a prisoner. Copies of the papers 
were directed to be sent by Washington to the Commander 
of the British forces in New York.^° 



67 Colonial Records XI, pages 196 and 200. Penn. Arch. V, pages 297 and 298. 
In a letter from James Ewing to Dr. Connolly of April 4, 1777, he says, "I shall expect 
you early next week. Archy says he will be in Philadelphia on Sunday and I would 
not advise you to stay any time in town after your release. Pa. Arch. V. page 298. 

*^ Journals of Congress IX, page 800. 

*** Narrative, page 32. 

'"Journals of Congress, Vol. XII, pages 1130 and 1225. 



26 

In this report it was stated that Joshua Loring, British 
Commissionaiy of prisoners, in his letter of September 1, 
1778, threatened to retahate on American prisoners for 
sufferings which Connolly pretended to suffer. The reply 
of Congress to the complaints of Connolly was that he had 
no right to be considered or treated as a prisoner of war, 
but had been, and still remained amenable to the law 
martial as a spy and emissaiy of the British army; that 
when arrested he bore no commission as an officer in 
British service and was not armed or at the head of armed 
troops but was clandestinely making his way through the 
country to join, give intelligence to, and aid the garrison at 
Detroit. 

Shortly after this Doctor Berkenhout was arrested and 
put in prison with Connolly and kept for some time.'^^ 
Upon his release and return within the British lines, he 
proposed that the exchange of prisoners between the forces 
at war be suspended until Connolly was exchanged or set 
free. When the exchange took place Connolly was to pro- 
ceed northward to join Butler Rangers and immediately 
begin, or continue, guerilla warfare on the frontier settle- 
ments. This plot coming to the ears of Silas Dean, then 
ambassador to France, was communicated to Congress and 
Connolly was again strictly and closely confined. He 
knew nothing of the reason for this change of conduct on 
the part of Congress and supposed that they had determined 
to execute him as a spy.^^ 

An entire year of imprisonment followed in which a 
little more indulgence was granted the prisoner as time 
elapsed, but it was not until after General Sullivan's return 
from his invasion of the countiy of the Iroquois that any 
steps were taken to exchange Connolly. Sullivan's success 
had induced Congress to think that the Indians were so 
badly defeated that they could not recover and that Connolly 



"' There is some difficulty in determining the exact date of Berkenhout's arrest 
and confinement. It is noticed in the Pennsylvania Packet of September 5, 1778. 
The order for his arrest was made by the council, September 3, 1778. Col. Rec. XI, 
567. He was ordered sent within the enemy's lines near New York City, September 
12, 1778. Id. page 576. 

'2 Dean Papers III pages 73, 119, 188. Narrative, 50. 



27 

could do nothing among them that would be of any great 
detriment to the Americans. A resolution to exchange 
Connolly for any lieutenant colonel in the British prisons 
was passed by Congress, and on July 4, 1780, he was per- 
mitted to go to New York on his parole. He agreed to 
effect an exchange with Lieutenant Colonel Ramsay. 
Ramsay was at once liberated on parole but the final ex- 
change was not completed till October 25, 1780. Connolly 
now sought employment in the British army, and laid before 
Sir Henry Clinton a plan for attacking the frontier out- 
posts with the expectation of soon being able to take Pitts- 
burg, and then he was to act with the Indians of the west. 
The season was too far advanced to proceed that year and 
in the following April he was ill, but in June he joined the 
army under Cornwallis and moved southward. He was 
with Cornwallis at York Town and was appointed to com- 
mand the Loyalists of Virginia and North Carolina. Upon 
the arrival of the French fleet he was ordered to return 
to York Town. Many of the troops were taken ill on 
account of the impure water and the hot climate, to which 
they were unaccustomed. Connolly was among the number 
incapacitated from the duties and accepted the invitation of 
one of the inhabitants living in the country near York 
Town to make him a visit. Leave of absence was granted 
him by Lord Cornwallis on September 21, 1781, and he 
set out on his expected vacation''^. Unfortunately for 
him he wandered into the territory in possession of American 
troops, was arrested and taken before Washington. Regard- 
ing the incident he says, " I was now to see a man with whom 
I had been formerly upon a footing of intimacy, I may say 
of friendship. Politics might induce us to meet like ene- 
mies in the field, but should not make us personally so. 
I had small time for reflection; we met him on horeeback 
coming to view the camp. I can only say the friendly 
sentiment he once publicly professed for me no longer 
existed. He ordered me to be conducted to the Marquis 
de Lafayette's quarters."'* 

^•^ Narrative, page 54. 
'■' Narrative, page 55. 



28 

He was, within a few days, sent by Washington sixty 
miles back into the country and remained there a prisoner 
until after the surrender at York Town. The governor 
of Virginia gave him permission to go to Philadelphia, 
where he arrived December 12th and where he applied 
to the Secretary of War for leave to go to New York. Instead 
of obtaining the desired permission he was again committed 
to prison on the ground that he had violated his parole 
given to Virginia. On making another application to 
Washington for relief he was informed that it was not 
intended that he should leave Virginia. He remained in 
jail in Philadelphia until March 1782 when he was permitted 
to go to New York and from there he sailed for Europe. 

The war was practically at an end at this time, and 
those who had devoted themselves to British interests 
were seeking to receive compensation for their losses, or 
pay for their time. It was for these purposes that Connolly 
prepared and had printed in London, in 1783, his narrative 
which ends as follows: "A compensation for my loss of 
estate is all I require; and I shall endeavor to support this 
unmerited adversity with that conscious dignity of mind 
which I hope will never forsake me, and in a manner the 
least exceptionable." 

He was not successful in obtaining allowance from the 
government or even the half pay of a retired officer. Under 
an act of Parliament passed to provide compensation for 
loyalists who had lost property in the war, applications 
were being made to commissioners appointed to receive 
them and he presented his claim which was heard on the 
second of February, 1784, and on the following days. His 
testimony in most particulars corroborates the other records 
concerning his life and the property which he had lost by 
reason of the war. He testified that he was an American, 
born and inherited land in Pennsylvania, which he sold, 
and settled in Virginia in 1770. He was engaged in war 
against the Indians and commanded the militia in Augusta 
County. He then tells of being sent by Dunmore to General 
Gage and of his return and arrest on the 19th of November 
1775 and his imprisonment for five years. ''He was not 



29 

particularly ill treated." He was exchanged in 1780 and 
went to New York. He was again taken prisoner in Sep- 
tember, 1781, and remained in prison until in March, 1782, 
when he was paroled on condition that he go to England. 
He owned 300 acres of land in Augusta County, 40 acres 
of land and a house near Pittsburg, with furniture, etc. 
He had 4000 acres in Fincastle County granted to him by 
Lord Dunmore in 1772. He claimed, as his losses, £1000 
for land, house and furnishings near Pittsburg; £4000 
for the 4000 acres owned in Fincastle County; £500 for 
other lands in that neighborhood and £307 13s 9d for pay 
as Major Commandant of Militia from December 16, 1773, 
to June 16, 1775. He also made claims for other losses, 
such as wheat, flour, pack-horses, horses, etc., in the sum 
of £849 13s. 

He produced, as witnesses on his behalf, the Earl of 
Dunmore, Major Stockton, who was in jail with him in 
Philadelphia, and Joseph Galloway. 

The commissioners evidently felt that Connolly was 
exaggerating his losses and only allowed him a small portion 
of his claims. For his land in Pennsylvania he was allowed 
£120, and £48 for his house and 40 acres near Pittsburg, 
for his furniture he received £150 and for the 4000 acres 
in Fincastle County he was to have £475. Thus his claims 
were fixed at £793. It is well to note that he accepted 
the sum of £475 for his confiscated lands in Fincastle, 
the present City of Louisville. ^^ 

At a convention held at Danville, Kentucky, in 1785, 
the entire separation of Kentucky from the United States 
was discussed. The reasons for the desire to form a separate 
government were the impossibility of applying for assistance 
to a central eastern government from which the State was 
so far removed and the difficulty of being adequately repre- 

■^^ Bureau of Archives (Ontario) 1904, page 1146. From Political Beginnings of 
Kentucky (Filson Club). Fiucastle County, Virginia, was organized in 1772. (Hen- 
ings Statutes, at Large, Vol. 8, page 600.) This act was passed in February, 1772, 
and ia entitled "An act for dividing the County of Botetrout into two distinct coun- 
ties. " In October, 1776, Fincastle County was divided into Kentucky, Washington, 
and Montgomery, and the name of Fincastle became extinct. Henning's Statutes 
Vol. 9, page 257. "An act for dividing the County of Fincastle into three distinct 
counties and the parish of Botetrout into four distinct parishes. " 



30 

sented in the legislature distant several hundred miles 
from the people. It was resolved to apply to the general 
assembly for an act to separate Kentucky from the remain- 
der of Virginia, in order that it might enjoy "all the priv- 
ileges, advantages, and immunities of a free, sovereign, 
and independent republic." 

A memorial by General James Wilkinson, was prepared 
on the occasion of the presentation of the resolution to the 
Assembly.^^ 

"An act concerning the erection of the district of Kentucky 
into an independent State" was passed in October, 1785.^^ 

The act provided that Kentucky should be formed into 
an independent member of the American Confederacy, 
and it was further conditioned that the consent of Congress 
to the formation of the State should be first obtained. 

There were unforseen delays in carrying into effect the 
act for the separation of Kentucky as a separate State and 
a new act on the subject was passed by Virginia in October, 
1786,^^ and a further act on the same subject was passed 
in October, 1788."^^ 

All these acts provided that the State should be admitted 
with the other States, with the consent of Congress. It was 
at this time that the New Federal Constitution was being 
adopted by the States, and before the Kentucky matter 
could be disposed of in the Continental Congress that body 
ceased to exist and Kentucky still remained a part of Vir- 
ginia. Many of the people of that State were greatly dis- 
pleased at the delay, which they thought to be unnecessary 
and some of them, taking advantage of this uneasiness 
entered into a conspiracy to form Kentucky into an inde- 
pendent government, or to transfer allegiance to the King- 
dom of Spain. As our particular interest is only to show 
the connection of Connolly with the State, we will refer 
again to the patent of Lord Dunmore in 1773.^° 



™ Pol. Beg. of Ky., 70. 

^^ Heuing's Statutes Vol. 12, page 37. 

'^ Hening's Statutes, Vol. 12, page 240. 

79 Id. 788. 

^'A copy of this graut is printed in the "Centenary of Louisville," page 131. 



31 



By this patent Connolly became the owner of 2000 acres 
of land, and by another conveyance he and John Campbell 
became the owners of two thousand acres adjoining. By 
some subsequent partition proceedings Connolly became 
the owner of the upper and the lower parcels, of one thou- 
sand acres each. Connolly had designed to establish here 
such a colony as he had proposed to Washington in 1770. 

In 1774, Campbell and Dunmore divided a portion 
of this tract into lots and advertised them for sale in 
Pittsburg.^^ 

This land now constitutes a portion of the present City 
of Louisville. Connolly, as we have seen, had taken sides 
with Great Britain in the contest that begun in 1775 and 
his property, as well as that of many others, was 
confiscated because of his opposition to the new govern- 
ment. Campbell, the partner of Connolly in this real 
estate transaction, was a firm adherent of the new govern- 
ment. In 1779, he was proceeding up the Ohio River with 
goods for Pittsburg when he and his companions were 
surprised by the Indians and many of them killed, including 
Major David Rogers. Campbell was carried prisoner to 
Detroit and from there to Quebec and there exchanged 
and released on parole. While he was absent an act of 
the Virginia Assembly was passed for the establishment 
of the town of Louisville.^^ 

This act, of May, 1780, recites that certain property of 
John Connolly, has been settled upon by sundiy people 
who have petitioned the Assembly to establish a town there, 
and it is resolved that one thousand acres of land, being 
forfeited property of John Connolly, adjoining the lands 
of John Campbell, is vested in John Todd, Jr., Stephen 
Trigg, George Slaughter, John Floyd, William Pope, George 
Meriwether, Andrew Hines, James Sullivan, and Marshen 
Brashiers as trustees for the location of the new town. 

A law providing for the forfeiture to the state of property 
belonging to Tories was passed in May, 1770, and under the^^ 



**^ Am. Arch. Series IV, Vol. 1, page 278. Centenary of Louisville, 134. 
*2 Hening's Statutes 10, page 293. 
^ Hening's Statutes 10, page 66. 



32 

provisions of it, proceedings were taken to confiscate the 
lands of Connolly. The escheat jury in this case, sat in 
Fayette County, with Daniel Boone as one of its members. 
The act establishing Louisville on the lands of Connolly 
and the verdict of the jury, by a singular coincidence, took 
place on the same day, July 1, 1780.^^ 

When Campbell returned from his captivity, he found 
that the act establishing Louisville had been passed in his 
absence and that while it purported to take the lands of 
Connolly, it, in realty, took some of his property also, and 
he held a mortgage on Connolly's portion. Upon his 
representation the Assembly restrained further sale of the 
land by an act of May, 1783.^^ 

In the following October another act was passed providing 
for the division of the property of Connolly from that of 
Campbell and the lands then found to belong to Connolly^^ 
were used first to pay Campbell's mortgage and the remain- 
der turned over to the trustees of Louis ville.^^ 

After the termination of the war, Connolly remained 
for a time in London where he engaged himself in laying 
plans for the recovery of America to the British Crown. 
Some papers, said to emanate from him, are printed in the 
Canadian Archives Report for 1890 on page 97. 

He supposed the Americans were either just ready to 
re-attach themselves to England or to form a new monarchy 
with Washington as king. He was in Detroit in 1788^^ 
and reported that he sent a man to Fort Pitt who had 
ascertained that the people of Kentucky wanted to separate 
themselves from the federal government and form an inde- 
pendent government. A new colony was being established 
on the Ohio and General Samuel Holden Parsons, concern- 
ed in it, had made advances to Connolly for a harmonious 
understanding with Great Britain relative to keeping the 
Mississippi River open to their trade. 



^ St. Paul's Church, Louisville (Filson Club) 8. 
*^ Hening's Statutes 11, page 276. 
«6 Id. 322. 
87 Id. 475. 

** Connolly came to Detroit from Quebec during the winter of 1787-8. St. Clair 
Papers 2-101. 



33 

Connolly asked permission to visit Pittsburg or Ken- 
tucky "in order to draw out propositions from men of 
character. ''^^ 

Ha\'ing obtained the required consent, Connollj'' pro- 
ceeded to Louisville, ostensibly to look after his confiscated 
estate, but in reality to see if some arrangement might be 
made for the betterment of the British government. This 
could be done either by the formation of Kentucky as an 
independent government that would continually look to 
England for assistance in a quarrel with Spain likely to 
grow out of the navigation of the Mississippi, or by the 
juncture of Kentucky with Spain which would soon result 
in the surrender to England of Kentucky and Louisiana. 
Thomas Marshall, in a letter to Washington of February 
12, 1789, narrates the negotiations between General Wil- 
kinson and the Spanish authorities relative to Kentucky, 
and states the connection of Connolly with the affair, as 
follows; ''About this time arrived from Canada the famous 
Dr. (now Colonel) Connolly. His ostensible business was 
to inquire and repossess himself of some lands he formerly 
held at the Falls of the Ohio; but I believe that his real 
business was to sound the disposition of the leading men 
of this district respecting this Spanish business. He knew 
that both Colonel Shuter and myself had given it all the 
opposition in the convention we were able to do; and 
before he left the district he paid us a visit though neither 
of us had the honor of the least acquaintance with him. 
He was introduced by Colonel John Campbell, formerly a 
prisoner taken by the Indians and confined in Canada, 
who had previously informed us of the proposition he was 
about to make. He (Connolly) presently entered upon 
his subject, urged the great importance the navigation of 
the Mississippi must be to the inhabitants of the western 
waters; showed the absolute necessity of our possessing it; 



*®" A Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly, a half pay officer, who has been recently fixed 
at Detroit, with the appointment of lieutenant governor, has penetrated through 
the western country, with a view doubtless to mark and try the spirit of the people; 
he found them nearly divided and therefore in that respect, was protected in hid 
person from any public apprehension, but found it requi.^ite to escape from the dread 
of private assassination." Can, Arch. Rept. 1890, page 124. 



34 

and concluded with assurances that, were we disposed to 
assert our rights respecting that navigation, Lord Dorchester 
was cordially disposed to give us powerful assistance; that 
his Lordship had, I think he said, four thousand British 
troops in Canada besides two regiments at Detroit, and 
could furnish us with arms, ammunition, clothing and 
money; that with this assistance we might possess ourselves 
of New Orleans, fortify the Balize at the mouth of the 
river, and keep possession in spite of the utmost efibrts 
of Spain to the contrary. He made very confident pro- 
fessions of Lord Dorchester's wishes to cultivate the most 
friendly intercourse with the people of this countiy, and 
of his own desire to become serviceable to us; and with so 
much seeming sincerity that, had I not before been 
acquainted with his character as a man of intrigue and art- 
ful address, I should in all probability have given him my 
confidence. I told him that the minds of the people of 
this country were thoroughly prejudiced against the British, 
not only from circumstances attending the late war, but 
from a persuasion that the Indians were at this time stim- 
ulated by them against us ; and that so long as those savages 
continued to commit such horrid cruelties on our defence- 
less frontiers, and were received as friends and allies by the 
British at Detroit, it would be impossible for them to be 
convinced of the sincerity of Lord Dorchester's offers, let 
his professions be ever so strong; and that if his Lordship 
would have us believe him really disposed to be our friend, 
he must begin by showing his disapprobation of the ravages 
of the Lidians. He admitted the justice of my observa- 
tions, and said he had urged the same to his Lordship before 
he left Canada. He denied that the Indians are stimulated 
against us by the British, and says that Lord Dorchester 
observed that the Indians are free and independent nations 
and have a right to make peace and war as they think fit, 
and that he could not with propriety interfere. He prom- 
ised, however, on his return to Canada, to repeat his argu- 
ments to his Lordship on the subject, and hopes, he says, 
to succeed. "^° 

*> Letters to Washington IV, 250. Butler's Kentucky, 184. 



35 

Wilkinson's version of Connolly's visit does not materially 
differ from Marshall's. He says that he asked Connolly 
to call on him at Lexington and, having gained his confidence, 
ascertained everything Connolly knew about the intrigue. 
He says that Connolly arrived in Louisville in October, 
1788, having travelled from Detroit through the woods to 
the mouth of the river Big Miami and then by boat down 
the Ohio. He visited Wilkinson November 8th. He said 
Dorchester would furnish ten thousand men for the enter- 
prise. These men would proceed from Detroit through 
Lake Erie to the River Miami, thence to the Wabash and 
thence to any designated point on the Ohio. After Wil- 
kinson had obtained from Connolly all the information 
he desired, he told him that the British were greatly dis- 
liked in Kentucky and that he was afraid the people would 
injure Connolly if they found out who he was. In order 
to carry out this scheme of frightening Connolly, he em- 
ployed a hunter to assault him on pretext that he was 
avenging the death of a son who had been murdered by 
the Indians at the instigation of the English. 

Wilkinson told Connolly that he was afraid the people 
would kill him and advised him to escape at once. Connolly 
asked for an escort to conduct him out of the country. 
This was furnished, and on November 20 he recrossed the 
Ohio on his way back to Detroit.®^ 

It was not until October the following year (1789) that 
the report of Connolly's trip to Kentucky was sent to Lord 
Grenville.^'^ 

We lose track of Connolly for the next few years. The 
treaty between America and England of 1794, generally 
known as the Jay Treaty, went into effect in 1796. It does 
not appear that Connolly lived in Detroit in the latter year 
for his name is not in the list of persons who desired to 
remain British subjects and he certainly, at that time did 
not intend to become an American Citizen. In that year 



^' Gayerre's Hist. Louisiana III, 236. Spanish Conspiracy, 300. Wilkinson'* 
Second Memorial Am. Hist. Rev. IX, 751. A passport issued by Comiolly -while 
in Kentucky in 1788 is printed in St. Clair Papers 2, 106. 

^ Can. Arch. Series Q 2, page 623. 



/ 



36 

he applied to the Canadian Land Board for a grant, of land 
as an United Empire Loyalist.^^ When Connolly first 
came to Detroit, he met there his old Pittsburg acquaintance, 
Mathew Elliot, and his relative, Alexander McKee. Both 
of these men were in Pittsburg when the war broke out and 
both left unceremoniously to join the British soldiers in 
Detroit, when thej'' began to be eyed with suspicion by 
their fellow citizens of that place. McKee was more closely 
connected with Connolly than was Elliot, and when Connolly 
returned from General Gage in the fall of 1775, he bore 
with him a commission appointing McKee to a responsible 
office in the army they expected to raise at Detroit. This 
commission was never given to McKee but was destroyed 
by the servant of Connolly when the latter was arrested 
in Frederick Town in 1775. 

Both Elliot and McKee held important positions in the 
Indian department at Detroit. Elliot was superintendent 
of Indian affairs in the west and McKee was Deputy Super- 
intendent General.^* 

In 1798 Elliot had gained the enmity of some of the 
other officers at the place and he was removed from 
his position, McKee took up his work and performed 
it as well as his own duties, to the satisfaction of the 
department.®^ 

Both men were getting along in years, though Elliot 
lived to take an active part in the War of 1812. During 
these years he made repeated and strenuous efforts to be 
reinstated in the Indian department. In 1799 McKee died 
and the administration of his office was given to James 
Baby, Alexander Grant, and Thomas McKee, jointly. There 
were several applications made to fill the vacancy created 
by the death of McKee. Elliot asked that his conduct be 
further investigated in order that if he was found satis- 
factory, he be reinstated and he could then obtain McKee's 
place. It was also recommended that William Claus, a 
grandson of Sir William Johnson, be appointed to the 



93 Can. Arch. Q. 282, pp. 336 and 408. 
3* Mich. Pio. and Hist. Soc. XXV, 210. 
®'Can. Arch. Q 80 and 2, page 4. 



37 

vacancy, and James Baby also sought it.^® Claus was soon 
given the place but this did not satisfy all of the applicants. 
Connolly applied to the Duke of Kent and asked him to 
use his influence to give him the place even if, in order 
to do so, some other occupant was forced out. 

Connolly arrived in December, 1799, bearing a letter to 
Sir John Johnson ordering him (Connolly) to supersede any 
person who might have been placed by General Prescott 
in the situation in the Indian department formerly occupied 
by McKee. The orders from the Duke were peremptory. 
Johnson at once reported the matter to Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor Hunter. He reviewed the qualifications of McKee 
and stated the necessity of having a man well qualified by 
association with the Indians to fill the office of Deputy 
Superintendent of Indian affairs, and then he continued, 
" Your Excellency will therefore, I presume, agree in opinion 
with me that it would be highly necessary for the good of 
the King's service that the person appointed to succeed him 
should at least possess those essential requisites which it can- 
not be presumed Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly does, and I am 
sorry to say as I think it my duty to be under the necessity 
of declaiming he does not, though he possesses other talents 
that might render him useful in any other line of service.^^ 

Governor Hunter also was as decidedly opposed to the 
appointment of Connolly and as his report was to be made 
directly to the Duke of Kent, it became of greater interest 
to know of its contents. He wrote " I feel it my indispens- 
able duty to state to your Royal Highness that so far as 
I am capable of judging I am decidedly of opinion the 
removal of Captain Claus and the appointment of Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Connolly in his room, would be highly 
prejudiced to his Majesty's service. ^^ 

The appointment of Connolly was cancelled by the 
Duke of Kent, at the request of the Duke of York, in June 
of the following year.^^ 

^ Can. Arch. Q. 82 and 238 and Q. 286 and 2, page 428. 
^^ Mich. Pio. and Hist. Soc. XXV, 206. 

^8 Can. Arch. Q. 287-1, pp. 21, 18. The letter is dated December 27, 1799. The 
Duke of Kent was the father of Queen Victoria. 
99 Can. Arch. Q. 287-1, pages 121, 123. 



38 

Connolly seems now to have given up hope of obtaining 
government position and took up his residence in Montreal. 

He died at that place, January 30, 1813, after a long and 
painful illness. His widow, Margaret, in a petition for 
a pension said that the distress of his illness was consider- 
ably augmented by the effects of his disappointments that 
had long preyed upon his mind. He had little property 
and lived upon his allowance of half pay granted by 
government. 

It has been stated that Connolly was a Roman Catholic 
and his memorial to Del Campo substantiates that idea, 
though his mother was a staunch Presbyterian as appears 
by the terms of her will. 

Connolly's first wife, as noted above, was Susanna Semple, 
a daughter of Samuel Semple, a tavern keeper in Pittsburg. 
There was at least one child born of this marriage, but the 
name and sex is not to be ascertained at the present time. 

Mention is made by the Moravian minister, Zeisberger, 
of Connolly's son coming from Detroit in 1788 on his way 
to Pittsburg.^^" 



""Zeisberger Diary, Vol. 1, page 406. 




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